Criteria for a good short story Essay Example for Free

Criteria for a good short story Essay Does The Adventure of the Speckled Band meet your criteria for a good short story?  A short story is a work of fiction shorter than a novel or novelette, and is one of the oldest forms of literature. Some of the most famous short stories are The Canterbury Tales by Geoffrey Chaucer in the 14th Century. However, before the 1800s short stories did not get much respect, and were seen as a poor relation of the novel. At around 1835, Edgar Allen Poe became the first writer to make the short story a distinct literary form. After this the popularity of this form of literature grew in popularity due to short stories being published in magazines and journals, becoming widely available. The Adventure of the Speckled Band was written by Arthur Conan Doyle in 1892. It was published as part of a book of twelve short stories, all in the crime genre. Conan Doyle was and still is famous for his crime stories involving the great detective, Sherlock Holmes. Before taking up professional writing, Conan Doyle was a doctor. The first of the Sherlock Holmes stories was A Study in Scarlet and was published in 1887. The crime story genre was very popular in the 19th century, and many established writers wrote stories of this type. For example, Charles Dickens last, unfinished novel was The Mystery of Edwin Drood. This was a murder mystery and so shows how popular the genre had become. For any short story to be successful, especially the crime genre, the correct authorial perspective must be chosen. In The Adventure of the Speckled Band the perspective is that of Dr Watson, looking back over a previous case. I think that this is effective because the reader is able to relate to Watson, as he is following Sherlock Holmes. Watson also learns of the clues at the same times as the reader, but doesnt get an explanation. This creates tension and excitement and so the reader will read on to find out. For example, the reader knew there was a dummy bell rope, but it wasnt until Holmes explained it that we found out its actual use. If the narrative perspective had of been from Sherlock Holmes point of view, there would be no tension as he worked out the clues very quickly. We know the when Holmes saw the bell rope was a dummy, it instantly gave rise to the suspicion that the rope was there as a bridge for something passing through the hole and coming to the bed. Another option Conan Doyle could have chosen would be to have an omniscient narrator, who would know everything going on and everyones feelings. This, also, would have reduced the tension and atmosphere in the story. The plot of The Adventure of the Speckled Band is that of a typical nineteenth Century crime story. A young woman, Helen Stoner, comes to see Sherlock Holmes, after the strange circumstances surrounding her sisters death start to repeat themselves. Just before she got married, therefore getting her inheritance, she dies very mysteriously. Miss Stoner is very worried, and she is also set to be married. Holmes and Watson agree to help the young lady. However, before they set off for Stoke Moran, Dr Grimesby Roylott, Miss Stoners stepfather, pays them a visit and tries to threaten them into not going. This only encourages Holmes, who goes to the house, where he finds several clues in the bedrooms. Holmes decides to come back to the house at night and stay in Miss Stoners bedroom, to witness the strange events for himself. During the night, a snake crawls through the ventilator between Dr Roylott and Miss Stoners rooms. Holmes attacks it and it flees back, where it turns upon its owner, and kills him. As this is a short story, it should only have one main storyline, and this one does. If there was more than one then there would be little time for any development of plot at all. Conan Doyle, in The Adventure of the Speckled Band gives enough information to sustain interest, but is also very selective about what is included in it. There are some events in the story that are not directly important to the plot, but create tension and suspense. The visit of Dr Roylott to Sherlock Holmes house is included for this reason. Dr Roylott describes himself as a dangerous man to fall foul of, so Holmes wants to get to the house even more quickly, as he fears for the safety of Miss Stoner. This also increases the pace of the story, and makes it more exciting. Conan Doyle uses various things throughout the story to keep the readers interest. Dr Grimesby Roylott is an unusual man, who used to live in Calcutta. He went to prison for after he beat his native butler to death. When he returned home to England he had various ferocious quarrels, due to his violence of temper approaching to mania. Dr Roylott also kept tropical animals, which also makes him an interesting character, and his violent temper is also typical of a nineteenth Century villain. Another factor that creates interest in the story is the amazing skills of deduction possessed by Sherlock Holmes. Watson notices his quick, all-comprehensive glances when he first meets Miss Stoner. Holmes then goes on to deduce her exact journey, just from what he has seen. The reader is then anxious to see what he deduces from what Miss Stoner tells him about her circumstances.

Popular Mechanics by Raymond Carver Essay -- Papers Popular Mechanics

Popular Mechanics by Raymond Carver Works Cited Not Included Typically a story begins with an exposition, which introduces the characters, setting and plot. In the short story ?Popular Mechanics? by Raymond Carver, the exposition is excluded. The story begins with a short rise in action, moves quickly to the climax and totally omits the resolution. Carver uses third person objective narration to reveal the actions and the dialogue between a man and a woman. The narrator gives very little descriptive details, never revealing the characters? thoughts or their motivation. This allows the reader the freedom to interpret and develop their own opinions of the setting, plot, and characters of the story. This also stimulates the reader to be an active reader?to think about what is read, to ask questions, and to respond to the authors? style of writing. Firstly, the narrator gives little detail throughout the whole story. The greatest amount of detail is given in the first paragraph where the narrator describes the weather. This description sets the tone and mood of the events that follow. Giving the impression that a cold, wet, miserable evening was in the making. ?But it was getting dark on the inside too? (265), this foreshadowing reveals that not only was the day coming to an end, but something else was about to end. Carver leaves further development of the setting to the imagination of the reader. It could take place in any century or in any city, state, or country. There have been male-female relationships since the beginning of time, in every corner of the world. The story is universal and timeless. This lack of detail allows readers to develop a setting that fits with their lifestyle. Secondly, there is no... ...l of the relationship. Carver relies on the readers? knowledge of these popular stereotypes instead of telling you about each character. In conclusion, Carver ends with, ?In this manner, the issue was decided.? (266). The lack of explicit detail in ?Popular Mechanics? leaves the reader free to develop their own resolution. A different ending could be attached to every additional reading. Did the man take the baby? Did the woman? Was the baby hurt or killed? Due to the lack of detail this story could be read over and over and the reader could change the setting, plot and characterization each time. Carver takes into consideration a reader?s ability to be an active reader and their ability to incorporate their own ideas into his story. Thus, the need for lengthy detailed descriptions is not necessary, only a reader?s perception and imagination is needed.

Discrimination Concerning African Americans Essay

  Differences in race lead to divergent levels of economic development within the United States. Analysts often try to explain this phenomenon by observing a specific ethnic group’s tradition and cultural ideology. Economists expand their analysis on the economic behaviors of African Americans by taking into consideration personal histories and value systems of the group under study. American families measure economic status in terms of income, and factors associated with material security as a whole. These factors may consist of health care, college funds, and retirement plans. However, African American families lag well behind when conceptualizing economic development under these terms. The reason is due to numerous instances of discrimination that occur in the U. S. Many of America’s public policies aid in the underdevelopment of non-white families. Increased economic development within America is the key to upward political and social mobility. If minorities are denied inevitable rights to equality, access to economic development becomes a highly difficult process. Despite America’s idealized view on equal opportunity, it is valid to assume that economic security has been limited on the basis of race. Therefore, it is important to investigate why white American families are economically better-off than non-white American families. One must take into account aspects of political participation, education, and the number of children a family has in the home in order to understand this research question. Contemporary Viewpoints: The lack of political participation of minority groups is a prevalent issue within the United States, explaining why non-white American families are less economically developed when compared to white American families. According to Douglas S. Massey (1995), minority families increasingly speak languages and bear cultures quite different than the established norms within the U. S. regime. He has found that ethnic groups carry their customs into new generations, leading many non-white families to become displaced and impoverished. Brinck Kerr and Will Miller (1997) believe that it is necessary for non-white American families to participate in elections in order to obtain equal representation that they are now lacking. They go on to say that political representation is the key to higher employment levels, and is a significant determinant to the minority share of professional positions. William H. Frey (1996) finds that immigrants usually encounter highly stratified society characterized by high income inequality leaving little room for upward mobility. In addition, Paula D. Mcklain (1990) assumes that non-white American families will continue to reside in low economic subcultures that are institutionally incomplete if they are represented at much lower ratios relative to the population portions of whites. Susan Welch (1990) has found that minority groups have not even achieved half their population proportions in political elections. These numbers are even lower than what they were a decade ago. She states that other factors that lead to low political participation within minority groups is that a substantial number of non-white American families are not citizens, and therefore are not eligible to vote. Also, Massey has found that America enacts policies that hinder the socioeconomic status of immigrants for they are underrepresented at virtually all levels and institutions in United States government. Moreover, Friedberg and Hunt (1995) have found that non-white American families receive less benefits than white families because of geographic segregation within the community. The various dispersion of minority families in different low-income areas within the U. S. makes it difficult for these families to be represented proportionally. Consequently, Rodney E. Hero and Caroline J. Tolbert (1995) believe minority families can now be easily manipulated by government because they are not equally accounted for. Therefore, non-white American families are not able to take advantage of economically developed determinants such as health care and retirement funds. The inscription of the Statue of liberty expresses to the world to â€Å"give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free†¦. † America continuously contradicts itself on the validity of this concept due to the increasingly economic tension between Caucasian and non-white families. Friedberg and Hunt (1995) give the example of Proposition 187, which makes many non-white American families ineligible for certain services such as public health. Non-white American families are not given the opportunity to take advantage of benefactors the U. S. offers to white American families. Therefore, Non-white American families lack of political participation, and unequal representation in governmental institutions and legislative bodies, leads them to be less economically developed than white American families. Education is another obstacle to economic development that non-white families face. Education is a vital tool to economic security. However, Melissa Marschall (1997) has found that current policies demonstrate minorities have been denied equal access to education. She has found that assignment systems based on assessments of language deficiencies or other individual needs are used to separate non-whites from whites. According to Jeffrey J. Mondack and Diana C. Mutz (1997), inequitable school financing is equally detrimental to non-white students. Funding for public schools comes from property taxes. They go along to say that predomintly non-white schools tend to be in central inner city school districts which have a smaller property tax base. In addition, the Office of Civil Rights has identified practices that are termed â€Å"second generation school discrimination†. Practices such as ability grouping, suspensions, and tracking may appear on the surface to be normal educational practices. When examining these components closer, Brick Kerr and Will Miller (1997) have found they have a negative impact on minority students. Ability grouping is a form of segregation that separates minority students from whites. They have found that before even attempting to teach non-white students, they are diagnosed with having linguistic or intellectual problems. The students are therefore required to take special and bilingual classes, making it difficult for them to succeed. According to Robert E. England (1986), non-white students are many times pulled out of regular classes and placed into bilingual classes only on the basis of ethnicity rather than their understanding of English. Brick and Miller go on to explain that suspensions are a second tactic used to encourage the failure of minority students in school. Non-white students are given more harsh disciplinary sentences than white students. Moreover, studies show that the ratio of minority students kicked out of school is disproportionately higher than whites, making the students more likely to drop out. Marschall has found that schools also advocate differences in ability grouping and discipline, leading to distinctions in tracking between non-whites and whites. The majority white students in high ability groups are often counseled to choose college preparatory tracks. However, minorities in low ability groups are counseled into vocational or general tracks, making them less likely to attend post-secondary education. Mondack and Mutz believe that the overall pattern of racial inequality the school system has created makes non-whites less likely to receive a quality education than whites. This truth makes it difficult for economic development to occur within non-white American families. The number of children in a family lead to increased poverty levels and low economic development within non-white American families. M. Klitsch (1990) has found that minority women have children at an extensively higher rate than that of white women. Also, he states that non-white women represent a small percentage of the population, however they account for a greater number of births. Alejandro Portes and Cynthia Truelove (1987) go on to say that non-white families are generally poorer than white families because of the higher number of children in the home. This leads them to be more likely to live below the poverty line. In addition, Genevieve M. Kenney and Nancy E. Reichman (1998) have found the population of non-whites increases faster than whites every year due to high fertility rates. Similarly, the two have found that fertility rates of non-whites families living in impoverished communities is almost double compared to white families. Klitsch has found that non-white families have an estimated 5. 5 people to a household, while white families only 3. 8. Therefore, these high rates lead to low socioeconomic status, and limited opportunities to increase economic security. According to Kenney and Reichman, the high fertility rates are due to low percentages of minorities who use contraceptives. They have also found that non-white women are less likely to have an abortion than white women. One might view this as a positive aspect. However, Portes and Truelove believe that one must take into account the over a quarter of minority families who have an income below the federal poverty line, which is almost one half greater than those of white families. Therefore, the high number of children within non-white American families make them more likely to experience economic deprivation than white American families. There has been an abundance of scholarly research previously conducted on the economic differences between white and non-white American families. They usually consist of data sources such as the U. S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, and the U. S. bureau of the Census. The Foreign Born Population of the United States and Statistical Reports are used with the previously listed sources to compare ethnic groups (Friedberg and Hunt, pg. 5). These databases yield cross-sectional designs that develop into time series reports in order to make assumptions on variables dealing with GNP and income, proving distinct differences in the races under study. For instance, researchers assume that white families are more economically developed than non-whites. This is because the average white American family makes $44,000 a year, and the average non-white American family does not make half this amount (6-7). These figures are valid in drawing conclusions about correlative relationships, satisfying important ideological factors necessary to study when dealing with the dependent variable of race. A more effective method of analysis was a study derived from interviews in a low income Los Angeles county. The participants were white and non-white females. The study was conducted between January 1984 and May 1985 (M. Kitsch, 136-137). In addition, the sample consisted of a three-stage cluster of census tracks, blocks, and household addresses. This cross-sectional design embodied research dealing with fertility rates of different races. The minority women proved to have higher fertility rates in low income sectors, leading Klitsch to question the different ways non-white American families conceptualize economic development. Non-white American families have to deal with numerous accounts of racial discrimination. It is difficult for a non-white American family to become economically stable in terms of income and security plans. The reason is due to being a minority in a predominately white America. Therefore, non-white American families are less economically developed than white American families because: H1 non-white American families are less likely to participate in elections than white American families. H2 non-white Americans are more likely to be discriminated against in school than white Americans. H3 the more children in a household, the more likely a family will be economically deprived. Implications and Conclusion: Education, political participation, and the number of children a family has all affect the levels of economic development within the household for white American families. Even though education levels has a stronger affect toward higher levels of income, when the three variables are measured together, they are all highly statistically significant. In non-white American homes, education levels appears to be the key determinant of their economic status. Further test need to be measured in reference to how the number of children a family has and political participation affect the economic security of non-white American families. With this, the above hypotheses will prove to have more validity. However, in both cases it was important to measure education, the number of children a family has, and political participation together in order to understand the affect these variables have on each other, and how this affect leads to higher or lower levels of economic development within the family. These multivariate studies are also important in predicting the affect the independent variables will have on total family income in the future. It can be assumed that the highest year of school completed will continue to have a strong affect toward economic development in the future for both white and non-white American families. In addition, the number of children in a white American family and their political participation are significant variables to measure when determining their economic standpoint in future years to come. There are alternative approaches to identifying explanations to why non-white American families are less economically developed than white American families. One example is the difference in income between non-white and white American families who have single parents and ones that have two parents. Another alternative approach is identifying education as only an antecedent variable, and observing how it relates to occupation, the true independent variable under study. From here, one can observe how economic development is related to a person’s occupation within the home. As anyone who walks the streets of America’s largest cities knows, there has been a profound transformation of different ethnic cultures within the United States. The rapidity of the change has led to growing competition of economic development between white and non-white American families. This competition has lead to ethnic prejudice and discrimination as the United States continues to assimilate into the melting pot for the American dream. Political participation, education, and the number of children within the home are variables that allow the transition to become a less arduous process for white American families. However, if non-white American families continue to do poorly in terms of economic development because of these variables, non-whites will continue to lag behind the income scale in comparison to whites. Research along these lines will lead to the study of relative differences between ethnic cultures. An example is the discovery of why almost half the number of minorities return to their country of origin after experiences of economic injustice. Previous research may also benefit other analysis in the field of economics by itemizing fertility rates in terms of the higher number of non-white American families who lack the finances to properly nourish their children. These new variables along with my research can in time become valid determinants in explaining why white American families are economically better off that non-white American families.

Profile of Saladin, Hero of Islam

Saladin, the sultan of Egypt and Syria, watched as his men finally breached the walls of Jerusalem and poured into the city full of European Crusaders and their followers. Eighty-eight years earlier, when the Christians had taken the city, they massacred the Muslim and Jewish inhabitants. Raymond of Aguilers boasted, In the Temple and the porch of Solomon, men rode in blood up to their knees and bridle reins. Saladin, however, was both more merciful and more chivalrous that Europes knights; when he recaptured the city, he ordered his men to spare the Christian non-combatants of Jerusalem. At a time when the nobility of Europe believed that they held a monopoly on chivalry, and on Gods favor, the great Muslim ruler Saladin proved himself more compassionate and courtly than his Christian opponents. More than 800 years later, he is remembered with respect in the west, and revered in the Islamic world. Early Life In 1138, a baby boy named Yusuf was born to a Kurdish family of Armenian descent living in Tikrit, Iraq. The babys father, Najm ad-Din Ayyub, served as the castellan of Tikrit under the Seljuk administrator Bihruz; there is no record of the boys mothers name or identity. The boy who would become Saladin seemed to have been born under a bad star. At the time of his birth, his hot-blooded uncle Shirkuh killed the commander of the castle guard over a woman, and Bihruz banished the entire family from the city in disgrace. The babys name comes from the Prophet Joseph, an unlucky figure, whose half-brothers sold him into slavery. After their expulsion from Tikrit, the family moved to the Silk Road trading city of Mosul. There, Najm ad-Din Ayyub and Shirkuh served Imad ad-Din Zengi, the famous anti-Crusader ruler and founder of the Zengid Dynasty. Later, Saladin would spend his adolescence in Damascus, Syria, one of the great cities of the Islamic world. The boy reportedly was physically slight, studious and quiet. Saladin Goes to War After attending a military training academy, the 26-year-old Saladin accompanied his uncle Shirkuh on an expedition to restore Fatimid power in Egypt in 1163. Shirkuh successfully reinstalled the Fatimid vizier, Shawar, who then demanded that Shirkuhs troops withdraw. Shirkuh refused; in the ensuing fight, Shawar allied himself with European Crusaders, but Shirkuh, ably assisted by Saladin, managed to defeat the Egyptian and European armies at Bilbays. Shirkuh then withdrew the main body of his army from Egypt, in accordance with a peace treaty. (Amalric and the Crusaders also withdrew, since the ruler of Syria had attacked the Crusader States in Palestine during their absence.) In 1167, Shirkuh and Saladin once again invaded, intent on deposing Shawar. Once again, Shawar called on Amalric for assistance. Shirkuh withdrew from his base in Alexander, leaving Saladin and a small force to defend the city. Besieged, Saladin managed to protect the city and provide for its citizens despite his uncles refusal to attack the surrounding Crusader/Egyptian army from behind. After paying restitution, Saladin left the city to the Crusaders. The following year, Amalric betrayed Shawar and attacked Egypt in his own name, slaughtering the people of Bilbays. He then marched on Cairo. Shirkuh jumped into the fray once again, recruiting the reluctant Saladin to come with him. The 1168 campaign proved decisive; Amalric withdrew from Egypt when he heard that Shirkuh was approaching, but Shirkuh entered Cairo and took control of the city early in 1169. Saladin arrested the vizier Shawar, and Shirkuh had him executed. Taking Egypt Nur al-Din appointed Shirkuh as the new vizier of Egypt. A short time later, however, Shirkuh died after a feast, and Saladin succeeded his uncle as vizier on March 26, 1169. Nur al-Din hoped that together, they could crush the Crusader States that lay between Egypt and Syria. Saladin spent the first two years of his rule consolidating control over Egypt. After uncovering an assassination plot against him among the black Fatimid troops, he disbanded the African units (50,000 troops) and relied instead upon Syrian soldiers. Saladin also brought members of his family into his government, including his father. Although Nur al-Din knew and trusted Saladins father, he viewed this ambitious young vizier with increasing distrust. Meanwhile, Saladin attacked the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, crushed the city of Gaza, and captured the Crusader castle at Eilat as well as the key town of Ayla in 1170. In 1171, he began to march on the famous castle-city of Karak, where he was supposed to join Nur al-Din in attacking the strategic Crusader fortress but withdrew when his father passed away back in Cairo. Nur al-Din was furious, rightly suspecting that Saladins loyalty to him was in question. Saladin abolished the Fatimid caliphate, taking power over Egypt in his own name as the founder of the Ayubbid Dynasty in 1171, and reimposing Sunni religious worship instead of Fatimid-style Shiism. Capture of Syria In 1173 and 1174, Saladin pushed his borders west into what is now Libya, and southeast as far as Yemen. He also cut back payments to Nur al-Din, his nominal ruler. Frustrated, Nur al-Din decided to invade Egypt and install a more loyal underling as vizier, but he suddenly died early in 1174. Saladin immediately capitalized on Nur al-Dins death by marching to Damascus and taking control of Syria. The Arab and Kurdish citizens of Syria reportedly welcomed him joyfully into their cities. However, the ruler of Aleppo held out and refused to acknowledge Saladin as his sultan. Instead, he appealed to Rashid ad-Din, head of the Assassins, to kill Saladin. Thirteen Assassins stole into Saladins camp, but they were detected and killed. Aleppo refused to accept Ayubbid rule until 1183, nonetheless. Fighting the Assassins In 1175, Saladin declared himself king (malik), and the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad confirmed him as the sultan of Egypt and Syria. Saladin thwarted another Assassin attack, waking and catching the knifemans hand as he stabbed down towards the half-asleep sultan. After this second, and much closer, threat to his life, Saladin became so wary of assassination that he had chalk powder spread around his tent during military campaigns so that any stray footprints would be visible. In August of 1176, Saladin decided to lay siege to the Assassins mountain strongholds. One night during this campaign, he awoke to find a poisoned dagger beside his bed. Stuck to the dagger was a note promising that he would be killed if he did not withdraw. Deciding that discretion was the better part of valor, Saladin not only lifted his siege, but also offered an alliance to the Assassins (in part, to prevent the Crusaders from making their own alliance with them). Attacking Palestine In 1177, the Crusaders broke their truce with Saladin, raiding toward Damascus. Saladin, who was in Cairo at the time, marched with an army of 26,000 into Palestine, taking the city of Ascalon and getting as far as the gates of Jerusalem in November. On November 25, the Crusaders under King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem (son of Amalric) surprised Saladin and some of his officers while the vast bulk of their troops were out raiding, however. The European force of just 375 was able to route Saladins men; the sultan narrowly escaped, riding a camel all the way back to Egypt. Undaunted by his embarrassing retreat, Saladin attacked the Crusader city of Homs in the spring of 1178. His army also captured the city of Hama; a frustrated Saladin ordered the beheading of the European knights captured there. The following spring King Baldwin launched what he thought was a surprise retaliatory attack on Syria. Saladin knew he was coming, though, and the Crusaders were soundly thrashed by Ayubbid forces in April of 1179. A few months later, Saladin took the Knights Templar fortress of Chastellet, capturing many famous knights. By the spring of 1180, he was in position to launch a serious attack on the Kingdom of Jerusalem, so King Baldwin sued for peace. Conquest of Iraq In May of 1182, Saladin took half of the Egyptian army and left that part of his kingdom for the last time. His truce with the Zengid dynasty that ruled Mesopotamia expired in September, and Saladin resolved to seize that region. The emir of the Jazira region in northern Mesopotamia invited Saladin to take suzerainty over that area, making his task easier. One by one, other major cities fell: Edessa, Saruj, ar-Raqqah, Karkesiya, and Nusaybin. Saladin repealed taxes in the newly-conquered areas, making him very popular with the local residents. He then moved toward his former hometown of Mosul. However, Saladin was distracted by a chance to finally capture Aleppo, the key to northern Syria. He made a deal with the emir, allowing him to take everything he could carry as he left the city, and paying the emir for what was left behind. With Aleppo finally in his pocket, Saladin once more turned to Mosul. He laid siege to it on November 10, 1182, but was unable to capture the city. Finally, in March of 1186, he made peace with the citys defense forces. March Toward Jerusalem Saladin decided that the time was ripe to take on the Kingdom of Jerusalem. In September of 1182, he marched into Christian-held lands across the River Jordan, picking off small numbers of knights along the Nablus road. The Crusaders mustered their largest army ever, but it was still smaller than Saladins, so they merely harassed the Muslim army as it moved toward Ayn Jalut. Finally, Raynald of Chatillon sparked open fighting when he threatened to attack the holy cities of Medina and Mecca. Saladin responded by besieging Raynalds castle, Karak, in 1183 and 1184. Raynald retaliated by attacking pilgrims making the hajj, murdering them and stealing their goods in 1185. Saladin countered by building a navy that attacked Beirut. Despite all of these distractions, Saladin was making gains on his ultimate goal, which was the capture of Jerusalem. By July of 1187, most of the territory was under his control. The Crusader kings decided to mount a last, desperate attack to try and drive Saladin from the kingdom. Battle of Hattin On July 4, 1187, the army of Saladin clashed with the combined army of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, under Guy of Lusignan, and the Kingdom of Tripoli, under King Raymond III. It was a smashing victory for Saladin and the Ayubbid army, which nearly wiped out the European knights and captured Raynald of Chatillon and Guy of Lusignan. Saladin personally beheaded Raynald, who had tortured and murdered Muslim pilgrims and also had cursed the Prophet Muhammad. Guy of Lusignan believed that he would be killed next, but Saladin reassured him by saying, It is not the want of kings to kill kings, but that man transgressed all bounds and therefore did I treat his thus. Saladins merciful treatment of the King Consort of Jerusalem helped cement his reputation in the west as a chivalrous warrior. On October 2, 1187, the city of Jerusalem surrendered to Saladins army after a siege. As noted above, Saladin protected the Christian civilians of the city. Although he demanded a low ransom for each Christian, those who could not afford to pay were also allowed to leave the city rather than being enslaved. Low-ranking Christian knights and foot-soldiers were sold into slavery, however. Saladin invited Jewish people to return to Jerusalem once more. They had been murdered or driven out by the Christians eighty years before, but the people of Ashkelon responded, sending a contingent to resettle in the holy city. The Third Crusade Christian Europe was horrified by the news that Jerusalem had fallen back under Muslim control. Europe soon launched the Third Crusade, led by Richard I of England (better known as Richard the Lionheart). In 1189, Richards forces attacked Acre, in what is now northern Israel, and massacred 3,000 Muslim men, women, and children who had been taken prisoner. In retaliation, Saladin executed every Christian soldier his troops encountered for the next two weeks. Richards army defeated Saladins at Arsuf on September 7, 1191. Richard then moved toward Ascalon, but Saladin ordered the city emptied and destroyed. As the dismayed Richard directed his army to march away, Saladins force fell upon them, killing or capturing most of them. Richard would continue to try to retake Jerusalem, but he had only 50 knights and 2,000 foot-soldiers remaining, so he would never succeed. Saladin and Richard the Lionheart grew to respect one another as worthy adversaries. Famously, when Richards horse was killed at Arsuf, Saladin sent him a replacement mount. In 1192, the two agreed to the Treaty of Ramla, which provided that the Muslims would retain control of Jerusalem, but Christian pilgrims would have access to the city. The Crusader Kingdoms were also reduced to a thin sliver of land along the Mediterranean coast. Saladin had prevailed over the Third Crusade. Death of Saladin Richard the Lionheart left the Holy Land early in 1193. A short time later, on March 4, 1193, Saladin died of an unknown fever in his capital at Damascus. Knowing that his time was short, Saladin had donated all of his wealth to the poor  and had no money left even for a funeral. He was buried in a simple mausoleum outside of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus. Sources Lyons, Malcolm Cameron and D.E.P. Jackson. Saladin: The Politics of the Holy War, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.Nicolle, David and Peter Dennis. Saladin: The Background, Strategies, Tactics and Battlefield Experiences of the Greatest Commanders of History, Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2011.Reston, James Jr. Warriors of God: Richard the Lionheart and Saladin in the Third Crusade, New York: Random House, 2002.